Nicoletta Braniste, BA Department of Political Science and Public Administration of the National University of Athens


 

The existence of significant ethnic minorities is a strongly influential factor for the political structure and the formation of national parliaments in the countries of Southeast Europe. The following is a study on the political representation of the largest ethnic minorities of Bulgaria and North Macedonia and the substantive political power of these parties. In the case of Bulgaria, the Turkish-Muslim population (8,4% of the total) constitutes the largest ethnic minority of the country, with its main political representative being the party ‘Movement for Rights and Freedoms’ (MRF/DPS). The party was founded in 1990 and in the most recent elections it won 11,17% of popular vote and 30 seats in the parliament (October 2024), while the highest electoral result it has ever scored is 16,56% and 47 seats (June 2024). As for North Macedonia, the party with most MPs in parliament representing the ethnic Albanian minority (29,52% of the population) is ‘Democratic Union for Integration’ (DUI), which was established in 2002 and has managed to enter a governmental coalition multiple times. In the latest elections, it received 14,1% and 10 seats in parliament (May 2024), and its most successful electoral performance was in April 2014 assembly elections, with 14,2% and 19 seats. These parties are of significant importance not only due to their consistent successful results in elections, but also because they have been an integral part of the political, constitutional and social transformation journey of the two countries and over the years, they have participated in landmark events for the modern political history of Bulgaria and North Macedonia.

The main question raised in this study examines the dependence of the mentioned parties’ political power a) on their stance towards the European Union, specifically regarding their EU membership, and b) on the focus of their positions in support of rights and democratic institutions. According to these variables, the aim is to find common elements in the success of these two ethnic minority parties which, although located in neighboring Balkan countries, have been shaped by different historic and legal backgrounds.

 

Contributing factors: European perspective

The most recent Bulgarian election results have revealed that the MRF maintains a strong position in the political arena of the country. With its main positions and objectives prioritizing modernization, economic growth and investment of resources in areas such as demographic development, energy and education, MRF is labeled as a centrist liberal political party. Over the course of years it has collaborated with both the right and left wing political forces of the country, while it’s also associated with ALDE in the European Parliament from 2008, when Bulgaria became an EU member state, and until 2024 [1] (BTA, 2021). The party has consistently been a strong supporter of Bulgaria’s accession to the EU, by acknowledging the benefits of the engagement with the Union and by aligning its objectives with European values, which offers the party an opportunity to engage with voters beyond the minority population. Moreover, the party’s popular appeal and strong political presence appears to be strengthened by its representation in the European Parliament, which provides smaller parties with an additional platform to promote ethnic minorities’ interests (Treneska, 2022).

Regarding North Macedonia, the DUI party has openly and consistently advocated for the country’s accession in the EU, holding a clear position throughout a period of a long series of negotiations that are still ongoing, although the country has been granted official candidate status since 2009. According to their latest election program (Europa 2030), one of the main pillars of DUI’s positions highlights the need for constitutional reforms and the continuation of negotiations with the EU, aiming for the country’s accession by 2030. By stating “No to Russia, yes to Europe”, the party argues that the country’s European orientation is essential for stability, security and sustainable development (DUI, 2024).

 

Advocating for rights and strong democratic institutions

The Bulgarian constitutional law explicitly prohibits the establishment of national or religious parties (Article 11) and does not recognize any language other than Bulgarian as official national language (Article 3), which inevitably affects the function of a party whose broad electoral base consists of Bulgarians of Turkish origin. The MRF has been legally recognized since 1992, and it has become a significant political player due to its liberal and centrist orientation. According to Stefanova, the party holds a unique position, since it aims for minority representation based on the opportunities provided by the pluralistic political system itself, without turning representation into an issue of ethnic difference and individual claim (Stefanova, 2012). Although it manages to coherently represent the wider Muslim minority, in terms of its voters as well as party members, the MRF is not limited exclusively to them as an electoral base and additionally it doesn’t express ethnic minority claims, but maintains moderate positions in favor of equality among all citizens and a mainstream party profile.

The historical background of North Macedonia paints a different picture, mainly because of the Ohrid Agreement signed in 2001, which set the foundations for the recognition of the Albanian language as official language of the state and managed to ensure basic rights for the Albanian minority. The legal framework’s main objective was the democratization of institutions and the abolition of underrepresentation in public offices to the detriment of the Albanian population. The DUI was founded in 2002 and through its strong parliamentary position, it argues for the protection and implementation of anti-discrimination policies, standing clearly in favor of human rights and minority rights’ protection. The party emphasizes the need for equal access to education and justice, the implementation of the Agreement rules regarding the widespread use of the Albanian language in the public sphere and the application of quotas in courts and other institutions. However, the criticism received from part of the society and other opponent parties points out that DUI needs to modernize its demands, so that it can stand as a reliable political choice, considering that the terms of the Ohrid Agreement are extensively implemented in the public sphere (MIA, 2025).

 

Conclusion

This comparative study of Bulgaria’s MRF and North Macedonia’s DUI aims to further explore the study of minority parties in Southeast Europe and to reveal significant trends in the region. The examination of the data confirms the first part of our hypothesis, since both parties’ political power seems to be related to their European orientation, helping them to win a place in coalition governments and further expand their electoral base. The second part of the hypothesis is only partially confirmed, with our findings showing that MRF deviates from the expected focus on minority rights’ demands and promotes moderate, liberal positions, as opposed to the more classic ethnic minority demands of the DUI. These results can be indicative of a new era for minority parties, which in order to tackle a series of challenges, such as the European integration requirements, the demands of the diaspora and the influence of powerful external actors, need to reframe their directions and goals.

 

References:

BTA. (2021, July 7). Front runners in 2021 Bulgarian parliamentary elections: Movement for Rights and Freedoms. Bulgarian News Agency. https://www.bta.bg/en/news/42821-Front-Runners-in-2021-Bulgarian-Parliamentary-Elections-Movement-for-Rights-and-Freedoms

Treneska, J. (2022). What Matters – Size, Membership or Mobilization? Analyzing the Factors that Contribute to the Success or Failure of Ethnic Minority Parties – A Comparative Case Study of Albania and Bulgaria. Journal of Balkan Studies, 2(1), 99–116. https://doi.org/10.51331/a022

Democratic Union for Integration. (2024, May). Europa 2030: Brief – English version [PDF]. https://bdi.mk/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/EUROPA2030-Brief-EN.pdf

Stefanova, B. (2012). Between ethnopolitics and liberal centrism: the Movement for Rights and Freedoms in the mainstream of Bulgarian party politics. Nationalities Papers40(5), 767–782. https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.705268

MIA. (2025, August 11). Mickoski: Call on all citizens to consider whether we will fall in DUI’s trap or talk about new projects. Media Information Agency. https://mia.mk/en/story/mickoski-call-on-all-citizens-to-consider-whether-we-will-fall-in-duis-trap-or-talk-about-new-projects

[1] Before the October 2024 elections and as a result of dispute within the party, the previous leader of the MRF, Delyan Peevski, founded the party ‘MRF – New Beginning’, while at the same time the party ‘Alliance for Rights and Freedoms’ was also established, led by Hayri Sadakov and supported by Ahmed Dogan, a leading member of the former MRF. This split is not of high importance in our study, since the examination of MRF will be broader and more focused on its historical course, without referring to the period after the 2024 elections.